"And while the impact and legacy of the sanctions themselves are mixed, there can be no doubt that the era of partnership in Russia's relations with Europe and the West is now fully over, and that a new period characterized by mutual isolation and deterrence has begun," write Matthew Rojansky and Michael Kofman.
"The Russian uproar over Jennifer Fichter's case is yet another example of the tendency to separate legality from justice. The view in Russia is that although the woman did wrong, her victims partook of the pleasures, and so of the responsibility," writes Sergey Radchenko.
"Even as our government becomes less and less 'Soviet,' as it consolidates and whittles down health clinics, schools and other services, the Kremlin keeps imposing the old Soviet world view on our citizens," writes Maxim Trudolyubov.
"The new Ukrainian exceptionalism comes at a high price for Ukrainian civil society and for the international community focused on helping Ukraine," write Matthew Rojansky and Mykhailo Minakov.
"The Kremlin's future direction on Ukraine will inevitably have either a positive or negative impact on economic ties with the West. Turning to a positive page will not only allow consideration of lifting Western-imposed sanctions and Russian counter-sanctions, but also could set the stage for renewed positive economic engagement," writes Jan H. Kalicki.
In many ways the undeclared war between Russia and Ukraine has triggered seismic shifts in the religious landscape in the two countries. Although united by a common Eastern Christian faith tradition, Russia and Ukraine are increasingly separated by the same. After more than twenty years of an independent Ukrainian state that has adopted its own legislative policies toward religious institutions and the means of regulating the exchange of peoples, goods and ideas, a growing number of differences in terms of cultural values and political orientations are now manifest between the two countries.
The fluctuating intensity of warfare in the Donbas region should be seen neither as a step toward freezing the conflict nor toward achieving a lasting peace. While Russia remains nominally unrecognized as party to the conflict by the West, the Minsk II agreement may well share the ineffectual fate of its predecessor, Minsk I. To avoid this fate, the West, and the U.S. in particular, must recognize Russia a party to the conflict. There are several reasons for this.
"At this critical moment for the future of Ukrainian, European and U.S. interests in the region, the U.S.-Ukraine strategic partnership lacks both strategy and partnership," write Matthew Rojansky, Thomas Graham and Michael Kofman.
"The incursion in Ukraine is modest compared with that of Afghanistan, and the number of Russian deaths is far smaller. Yet once again a limited number of Kremlin leaders, without benefit of public debate, may make a fateful decision about using force against a neighbor. The leaders should bear in mind the lesson of Afghanistan and exercise caution," write Denis Corboy, William Courtney, and Kenneth Yalowitz.
China and Russia have options to forge an essentially cooperative relationship. However, limits to their partnership could grow over time given the two nations’ differing trajectories and historical grievances.
Experts & Staff
- Matthew Rojansky // Director, Kennan Institute
- William E. Pomeranz // Deputy Director, Kennan Institute
- F. Joseph Dresen // Program Associate
- Mary Elizabeth Malinkin // Program Associate
- Izabella Tabarovsky // Manager for Regional Engagement
- Mattison Brady // Program Assistant
- Emma Dorst // Program Assistant
- Blair A. Ruble // Vice President for Programs; Director, Urban Sustainability Laboratory; and Senior Advisor, Kennan Institute
- Kateryna Smagliy // Director, Kennan Institute in Ukraine
- Nina Rozhanovskaya // Coordinator and Academic Liaison in Russia