Syria has experienced a wave of horrific violence, including mass killings by government security forces against Alawite civilians, as well as some Christians, Sunni Arabs, and other residents of Alawite-majority neighborhoods in the coastal region.  

On March 6, pro-Assad insurgents launched a coordinated and brutal attack on government security forces in Latakia and Tartus. In response, the interim government mobilized its forces, comprised of Islamist fighters from Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army (SNA), who escalated their actions into retaliatory attacks that turned into large-scale massacres of entire neighborhoods and villages. On March 14, the U.N. Security Council issued a statement condemning the violence and urging interim authorities to “protect all citizens without distinction.” 

Reports indicate over 1,000 civilians have been killed and thousands displaced, with the final toll likely to be significantly higher. On March 10, Interim Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa vowed justice and to punish “even those close to us.” He also announced the formation of a Committee to Maintain Civil Peace to investigate these crimes, with findings to be reported within 30 days. As violence persists in the coastal areas, the urgent need to end the bloodshed and ensure genuine justice and accountability for Syrians remains urgent. 

Wisdom from religious communities 

Some Christian leaders urged the West to stop advocating for them to be protected as minorities. Instead, they seek recognition as equal components of Syrian society.

Many in Syria have feared that violence could escalate against Alawites, Christians, and others perceived as having been favored by now-toppled President Bashar al-Assad, as I heard during a visit to Damascus in February. My colleagues and I were fortunate to meet with various religious communities–some who preferred to remain unnamed–as well as Christian patriarchs, bishops, and pastors. We also spoke with villagers outside the city and welcomed leaders who had traveled from across Syria. 

Some Christian leaders urged the West to stop advocating for them to be protected as minorities, warning that this continues the dangerous narrative Assad used that divided Syria into majority and minority. Instead, they seek recognition as equal components of Syrian society (Mokawwinaat in Arabic), even if their numbers are fewer. They emphasized the need for a strong constitution that guarantees equal citizenship. They also shared that most of their Sunni Muslim neighbors reject sectarianism and violence. Many recalled a time before Assad when Syria’s diverse religious and ethnic communities lived together in relative peace, a history they hope to reclaim.  

There was unanimous agreement on the urgent need to lift sanctions as Syria’s worsening economic crisis threatened to spiral into mass starvation. However, opinions varied on how best to proceed. Some favored a phased easing of sanctions, while others advocated for immediate removal, with a structured mechanism for swift reinstatement to ensure they remain a leverage tool in holding the new government accountable to its promises of inclusivity and reform. Yet, no one believed sanctions should remain in place until conditions were perfect; rather, there was a shared fear that Syria would not survive without drastic economic relief.  

Adding to these concerns was widespread disappointment over the mass firing of government employees and security forces, a move that only exacerbated poverty and heightened sectarian tensions, likely contributing to the recent violence. Many warned that this approach proved disastrous in Iraq following the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, fueling instability rather than fostering recovery. 

In considering a new government structure, many cautioned against replicating Iraq’s quota system or Lebanon’s confessional system, which they feared could further entrench these same sectarian divisions. Others stressed the importance of supporting Christian political leaders and organizations rather than solely directing power and funding to patriarchs and churches—though they remain vital and deserving of support. A robust civil society must be rebuilt if independent thinkers and leaders are to be empowered to lead their communities. 

Promise of inclusion 

Most Syrians we met expressed gratitude toward al-Sharaa for the overthrow of Assad, even as they had serious concerns about his long ties to terrorism and history of authoritarian leadership. Known as Abu Muhammad al-Jolani, the former leader of an al-Qaeda affiliate that eventually rebranded as HTS, he has governed Idlib since its capture in 2017. HTS remains designated by the US as a terrorist organization and an Entity of Particular Concern (EPC) for its “particularly severe violation of religious freedom.” Aid to the Church in Need reported in October that Christians in Idlib “are forbidden from carrying out religious practices outside the church or to display religious symbols like statues and crosses.” As one Syrian Christian privately asked me, “Can a leopard change its spots?” Yet, despite these concerns, that same Christian remains hopeful that he can. 

Although al-Sharaa has pledged to incorporate all diverse religious and ethnic communities into an inclusive government, this promise has yet to be fulfilled. The provisional constitution, released on March 13, largely mirrors the previous one, retaining the name “Syrian Arab Republic” and stating that Islamic jurisprudence shall be “the main source of legislation.” Additionally, it establishes a People’s Assembly in which one-third of the members are directly appointed by the president, while the remaining two-thirds are selected by a committee that he appoints.  

He has intentionally only chosen trusted HTS officials in the interim caretaker government, which includes the troubling appointment of Shadi al-Waisi as interim Justice Minister. He appears in two disturbing videos from 2015 overseeing the execution of women in Idlib accused of prostitution. Al-Sharaa also invited Abu Hatem Shaqra to speak at an event, despite his US sanctions for crimes including trafficking Yazidi women and children. His SNA militia, Ahrar al-Sharqiya, was likewise sanctioned for the brutal murder of Kurdish politician Hevrin Khalaf during the 2019 Turkish invasion.  

Al-Sharaa has appointed over 50 hardline Islamists to senior military positions, including at least six foreigners. Additionally, thousands of foreign Islamist fighters who helped topple Assad have been promised Syrian citizenship, some of whom were involved in the recent mass killings in the coastal areas. 

SDF and HTS agreement 

True inclusivity will not only strengthen the legitimacy of the agreement but also ensure that all communities have a voice in shaping Syria’s future.

The surprise March 10 agreement between Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Commander Mazloum Abdi and Interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa to integrate northeast Syria into the Syrian government sparked celebrations across the country. While the SDF is best known for its decisive role in defeating ISIS, its most profound achievement may be transforming its own society. As they liberated areas from ISIS, they also empowered local communities to establish self-governance, ensuring representation for all religious and ethnic groups—with half of the leadership positions held by women.  

Under the agreement, Northeast Syria will retain its civil institutions, with the SDF continuing to provide security for its local areas. They are not disarming or ceding control to outside forces. Despite some reports, HTS will not be entering the region or taking over prisons or oil fields. Turkey has agreed to halt its attacks, though ongoing violence suggests that a ceasefire may not be fully enforced until the deal is officially finalized. Joint committees will be established to work through the remaining details before the end of the year. This deal is consistent with President Trump's policy of bringing stability to the Middle East, achieving the enduring defeat of ISIS, and ensuring that malignant Iranian militias do not return to Syria.  

This agreement also marks a historic milestone as the first official Syrian document to formally recognize and affirm Kurdish identity and citizenship. True to northeast Syria’s long-standing commitment to inclusive governance, the agreement’s first point guarantees the right to representation and participation for all Syrians “regardless of their religious and ethnic backgrounds.”  

To uphold this principle, it is essential that Syriac-Assyrian-Chaldeans, Yazidis, and all the diverse religious and ethnic communities from the northeast are included in committees and delegations sent to Damascus. True inclusivity will not only strengthen the legitimacy of the agreement but also ensure that all communities have a voice in shaping Syria’s future. Importantly, this deal does not require blind trust. It remains conditional, allowing the northeast to withdraw if negotiations falter or commitments are not upheld. 

Although initial media reports suggested a deal to integrate the Druze-majority southern province of Sweida into the Syrian government, spiritual leader Hikmat al-Hajari denied the claim, calling the government “extremist in every sense of the word.” Meanwhile, Israel has extended support and provided aid to the Druze community. On March 14, Syrian Druze clerics traveled to Israel for their first pilgrimage since 1948, though some noted significant opposition from other Druze in Syria.  

Window of opportunity 

Justice and accountability must be pursued—not only for the crimes committed under the Assad regime but also for the recent mass killings that have further deepened sectarian divides.

Syria stands at a pivotal moment, one where it has the opportunity to unite and rebuild after years of authoritarian rule, war, and economic devastation. However, lasting peace and stability can only be achieved through genuine inclusion and equal citizenship for all Syrians. This will not be possible if government security forces continue to engage in violence or target specific communities.  

Justice and accountability must be pursued—not only for the crimes committed under the Assad regime but also for the recent mass killings that have further deepened sectarian divides. Without real accountability, there can be no trust in a new government, no confidence in reform, and no true path toward reconciliation. If Syria is to have a future beyond war and fragmentation, it must reject the cycles of retribution and sectarianism that have plagued it for so long. Only then will the country have a real chance of stability, unity, and recovery. 

While concerns over legitimizing this new Syrian government are understandable—especially given its troubling past and the recent mass killings—the people of Syria cannot afford to be abandoned. Constructive engagement that incentivizes good governance and inclusive policies is crucial to moving Syria forward. The survival of one of the world’s oldest Christian communities, along with the future of countless other vulnerable groups, may depend on it.