Everyone Loves Vladimir Putin

At a recent Kennan Institute talk, Masha Gessen, journalist, Moscow and Nieman Fellow, Harvard University, argued against a growing perception in the West that Russians prefer authoritarian rule and do not value democracy.

Gessen illustrated her argument by recounting the recent episode of Alyona Pisklova, a "rather unattractive young lady," who was put forward by a young Russian Internet blogger in an online contest to select Russia's Miss Universe contestant. The blogger called on Russian Internet users to "say NO to corporate politics" by voting for Pisklova. Sixteen hours later, over 30 thousand people had voted for Pisklova, giving her first place in the competition, though she was later disqualified for being only fifteen years old.

The Pisklova story was interpreted in some Western media reports as an indication that Russia was finding its own way and rebelling against some Western influences. Gessen argued that this is a misinterpretation. The campaign was intended as a protest, according to her interview with the young Russian blogger, against "the general political apathy, the lack of choice." This protest signaled to Gessen that Russians deeply cared about having a choice in political life, and were frustrated over not having one.

Gessen argued that even as Russian President Vladimir Putin consolidates power and authority, he takes care to preserve democratic institutions and rituals, such as the 1993 constitution and regular elections, in response to Russian preferences. Polls from the Kremlin's own polling firm, the Public Opinion Foundation, show that "human rights" placed fifth among the most important values identified by Russians; "order" and "stability" did not place in the top five. Another poll showed that 73 percent view elections as "essential," 14 percent as "unnecessary." Those respondents who felt that elections were unnecessary explained their choice with reasons that show frustration rather than disdain: for example, "results are foreordained" and "voters have no influence."

While Putin is careful to observe democratic rituals, and to speak of the importance of "freedom" for Russians, in Gessen's view the term "democracy" has been smeared both indirectly and directly over the last 15 years. Early reformers did little to prepare the Russian population for income inequality that made many feel poorer even as their standard of living rose. At the onset of the flawed Russian privatization program, plan architect Anatoly Chubais "essentially promised every Russian two luxury cars within a few years," Gessen said. Politicians selling the idea of democracy as the path to a brighter future were eventually seen as similar to the pyramid scheme con men similarly promising riches, according to Gessen. Later, as Putin was put forward to succeed Yeltsin, Gessen contended that political operators exploited this perception to smear the concept of "democracy" in order to build up Putin's popularity.

Today, Putin enjoys popularity ratings consistently over 75 percent. Yet he receives an approval rating of over 50 percent only in his management of foreign affairs. On the economy, Chechnya, and civil liberties he scores below 50 percent. Gessen explained this disconnect between scores by pointing out that Russians do not have a liberal alternative to Putin. She argued that the two pro-democracy parties, Yabloko and SPS, were voted out of the parliament in the last election because they did not provide a platform that differed significantly from Putin's. Those who say Russians do not like democracy, Gessen concluded, are betraying those Russians struggling to live in one.